苏轼《范增论》英译

刘师舜 译：

On Fan Tseng

Su Shih

汉用陈平计，间疏楚君臣，项羽疑范增与汉有私，稍夺其权。增大怒曰：“天下事大定矣，君王自为之，愿赐骸骨，归卒伍。”未至彭城，疽发背，死。

Adopting Ch’en P’ing’s stratagem, the Han dynasty sought to sow the seeds of discord between the ruler of Ch’u and his ministers. Hsiang Yü suspected Fan Tseng of plotting with the Han administration, and deprived him of some of his powers. This angered Fan greatly. “Now,” he said to Hsiang, “that the general situation is substantially stabilized, Your Majesty can handle it yourself. It is my wish to be permitted to retire and revert to the ranks.” This wish was granted, but, before he reached P’engch’eng, Fan died from a skin cancer on his back.

苏子曰：“增之去，善矣。不去，羽必杀增。独恨其不早尔。”

I say that it was a good thing for Fan to leave official life and that, if he had not done so, he would have been put to death by Hsiang Yü. But it is regrettable that he did not leave earlier.

然则当以何事去？增劝羽杀沛公，羽不听，终以此失天下，当以是去耶？曰：“否。增之欲杀沛公，人臣之分也；羽之不杀，犹有君人之度也。增曷为以此去哉？

What, then, should have been the occasion for Fan to depart? It will be recalled that he had advised Hsiang Yü to kill the Duke of P’er but that Hsiang failed to heed this and, because of it, eventually lost his place in the sun. Should Fan have left at that time? No, when Fan expressed the wish to kill the Duke of P’er, he played the part of a loyal minister, but, when Hsiang Yü refused to take the advice, he showed the magnanimity of a king. Why should Fan have left for this reason?

《易》曰：‘知几其神乎！’《诗》曰：‘如彼雨雪，先集为霰。’增之去，当于羽杀卿子冠军时也。”

“Is it not divine,” says the Book of Changes, “to know the shape of things to come?” “Before snow,” said the Book of Songs, “sleet first collects.” Fan’s departure should have been at the time when Hsiang Yü put his Lordship, the Supreme Commander, to death.

陈涉之得民也，以项燕。项氏之兴也，以立楚怀王孙心；而诸侯之叛之也，以弑义帝。且义帝之立，增为谋主矣。义帝之存亡，岂独为楚之盛衰，亦增之所与同祸福也；未有义帝亡而增独能久存者也。

Just as Ch’en Sheh succeeded in winning the confidence of the people by using the names of Hsiang Yen and Fu-su, so the rise of Hsiang Yü was due to his preferment of Prince Hsin, grandson of King Huai of Ch’u, as head of state. But the rebellion of the feudal lords was because of Hsiang’s murder of Emperor I. It happened that Fan had been the chief architect of that emperor’s accession to the throne. Thus, the life and death of Emperor I affected not only the rise and decline of Ch’u, but also the personal fortunes of Fan, who would not have survived the death of the emperor.

羽之杀卿子冠军也，是弑义帝之兆也。其弑义帝，则疑增之本也，岂必待陈平哉？物必先腐也，而后虫生之；人必先疑也，而后谗入之。陈平虽智，安能间无疑之主哉？

Hsiang Yü’s slaughter of his Lordship, the Supreme Commander, was the prelude to his murder of Emperor I. This act was the origin of his suspicion of Fan. Did he have to wait till Ch’en P’ing hatched his plot? Something must be rotten before worms multiply, and a man must first have some suspicion before slander takes effect. Wise as Ch’en P’ing was, how could he have estranged an unsuspecting ruler from his ministers?

吾尝论义帝，天下之贤主也。独遣沛公入关，而不遣项羽；识卿子冠军于稠人之中，而擢为上将，不贤而能如是乎？

I have once upon a time deduced that Emperor I was a worthy ruler. Had he not been one, how could he have decided to dispatch the Duke of P’ei to face the enemy beyond the pass, without also dispatching Hsiang Yü, and how could he have recognized the merits of his Lordship, the Supreme Commander when he was one of a multitude and promoted him to Supreme Commander?

羽既矫杀卿子冠军，义帝必不能堪，非羽弑帝，则帝杀羽，不待智者而后知也。增始劝项梁立义帝，诸侯以此服从。中道而弑之，非增之意也。夫岂独非其意，将必力争而不听也。不用其言，而杀其所立，羽之疑增必自此始矣。　

When Hsiang Yü killed the Supreme Commander by treachery, it was more than what Emperor I could tolerate. It did not take a wise man to know that one would put the other to death eventually. At first, Fan advised Hsiang Liang to place the Emperor I on the throne, and it was this act that won the obedience of the feudal lords. The murder of the emperor so shortly after his accession was clearly not Fan’s intention. Not only that, but Fan must have stubbornly fought against the murder, though his objection must have been overruled. The refusal of Hsiang Yü to accept Fan’s candidate for the throne clearly indicated that Hsiang Yü had begun to be suspicious of Fan.

方羽杀卿子冠军，增与羽比肩而事义帝，君臣之分未定也。为增计者，力能诛羽则诛之，不能则去之，岂不毅然大丈夫也哉？增年七十，合则留，不合即去，不以此时明去就之分，而欲依羽以成功名，陋矣！

At the time when Hsiang Yü killed his Lordship, the Supreme Commander, Fan and Hsiang owed common allegiance to Emperor I, and their relationship as ruler and subject had not yet been determined. For his own sake, Fan should have killed Hsiang had he had the power, or else he should have retired. Would not either alternative have shown him to be a great and determined man? After all, Fan had reached the advanced age of seventy, and the obvious course for him to adopt was to remain as long as it suited him and to leave once it ceased to do so. How foolish of him not to have decided at this crucial point whether to continue or to depart, but to have wished to remain with Hsiang in the hope of achieving success and fame!

虽然，增，高帝之所畏也；增不去，项羽不亡。亦人杰也哉！

However, Fan was a man dreaded even by Emperor Kao-tsu of the Han dynasty. If he had remained and survived, Hsiang Yü’s cause would not have been lost. Alas, was not Fan after all an outstanding man?

百度百科资料:

范增简介

秦末项羽谋士。居巢（今安徽巢湖市）人。秦末农民起义爆发后，秦二世二年（前208），范增投奔项梁，陈明利害，劝项梁立楚王族后裔为楚怀王，以从民望。后归属项羽，为其主要谋士，封历阳侯，尊为亚父。汉元年（前206），随项羽攻入关中，劝项羽消灭刘邦势力，未被采纳。后在鸿门宴上多次示意项羽杀刘邦，又使项庄舞剑，意欲借机行刺，终因项羽优柔寡断，项伯从中干扰，未获成功。汉三年，刘邦被困荥阳（今河南荥阳东北），用陈平计离间楚君臣关系，被项羽猜忌，并削弱其权力，范增辞官归里，途中病死。

原文

汉用陈平计，间疏楚君臣，项羽疑范增与汉有私，稍夺其权。增大怒曰：“天下事大定矣，君王自为之，愿赐骸骨，归卒伍。”未至彭城，疽发背，死。

苏子曰：“增之去，善矣。不去，羽必杀增。独恨其不早尔。”然则当以何事去？增劝羽杀沛公，羽不听，终以此失天下，当以是去耶？曰：“否。增之欲杀沛公，人臣之分也；羽之不杀，犹有君人之度也。增曷为以此去哉？《易》曰：‘知几其神乎！’《诗》曰：‘如彼雨雪，先集为霰。’增之去，当于羽杀卿子冠军时也。”

陈涉之得民也，以项燕。项氏之兴也，以立楚怀王孙心；而诸侯之叛之也，以弑义帝。且义帝之立，增为谋主矣。义帝之存亡，岂独为楚之盛衰，亦增之所与同祸福也；未有义帝亡而增独能久存者也。羽之杀卿子冠军也，是弑义帝之兆也。其弑义帝，则疑增之本也，岂必待陈平哉？物必先腐也，而后虫生之；人必先疑也，而后谗入之。陈平虽智，安能间无疑之主哉？

吾尝论义帝，天下之贤主也。独遣沛公入关，而不遣项羽；识卿子冠军于稠人之中，而擢为上将，不贤而能如是乎？羽既矫杀卿子冠军，义帝必不能堪，非羽弑帝，则帝杀羽，不待智者而后知也。增始劝项梁立义帝，诸侯以此服从。中道而弑之，非增之意也。夫岂独非其意，将必力争而不听也。不用其言，而杀其所立，羽之疑增必自此始矣。　

方羽杀卿子冠军，增与羽比肩而事义帝，君臣之分未定也。为增计者，力能诛羽则诛之，不能则去之，岂不毅然大丈夫也哉？增年七十，合则留，不合即去，不以此时明去就之分，而欲依羽以成功名，陋矣！虽然，增，高帝之所畏也；增不去，项羽不亡。亦人杰也哉！

注解

1.几：事物发生变化的细微迹象。

2.卿子冠军：指宋义。公元前207年，秦围赵，楚怀王封宋义为上将军，项羽为次将军，范增为末将军，救赵，途中，宋义畏缩不前，羽矫诏杀之。

3.楚怀王孙心：即楚怀王的孙子熊心，项梁拥立他为王，仍称怀王。项羽称霸后尊称熊心为义帝。

译文

刘邦采用了陈平的计策，离间疏远楚国君臣。项羽怀疑范增和汉国私下勾结，渐渐剥夺他的权力。范增大怒，说：“天下大事已经大致确定了，君王自己处理吧。希望能让我告老还乡。”回乡时，还没到彭城，就因背上痈疽发作而死。苏子说，范增离去是好事，若不离去，项羽一定会杀他。只遗憾他没有早早离开而已。

既如此，那么范增应当在什么时候离开呢？当初范增劝项羽杀沛公，项羽不听；终因此而失去天下；应当在此时离去吗？回答说，不。范增想要杀死沛公，是做臣子的职责。项羽不杀刘邦，还显得有君王的度量。范增怎能在此时离去呢？《易经》说：“知道选择恰当时机，那不是很神明吗？”《诗经》说：“观察那气象，若要下雪，水气必定先聚集成霰。”范增离去，应当在项羽杀卿子冠军的时候。

陈涉能够得民心，因为打出了楚将项燕和公子扶苏的旗帜。项氏的兴盛，因为拥立了楚怀王孙心；而诸侯背叛他，也是因为他谋杀了义帝。况且拥立义帝，范增实为主谋。义帝的存亡，岂止决定楚国的盛衰；范增也与此祸福相关。绝没有义帝被杀，而单单范增能够长久得生的道理。项羽杀卿子冠军；就是谋杀义帝的先兆；他杀义帝，就是怀疑范增的根本。难道还要等到陈平出反间之计吗？物品必定先腐烂了，然后才能生蛆虫；人必定先有了怀疑之心，然后谗言才得以听入。陈平虽说智慧过人，又怎么能够离间没有疑的君主呢？

我曾经评论义帝；称他是天下的贤君。仅仅是派遣沛公入关而不派遣项羽，在稠人广众之中识别卿子冠军、并且提拔他做上将军这两件事，若不是贤明之君能做到这些吗？项羽既然假托君王之命杀死了卿子冠军，义帝必然不能容忍。因此，不是项羽谋杀义帝，就是义帝杀了项羽，这用不着智者指点就可知道了。范增当初劝项梁拥立义帝，诸侯因此而服从；中途谋杀义帝，必不是范增的主意；其实岂但不是他的主意；他必然力争而却没有被接受。不采用他的忠告而杀死他所拥立之人，项羽怀疑范增，一定是从这时就开始了。在项羽杀卿子冠军之时，项羽和范增并肩侍奉义帝，还没有确定君臣之身份，如果替范增考虑，有能力诛杀项羽就杀了他，不能杀他就离开他，岂不是毅然决然的男子汉吗？范增年龄已经七十岁，意见相合就留下来，意见不合就离开他，不在这个时候弄清去、留的分寸，却想依靠项羽而成就功名，浅陋啊！即使这样，范增还是被汉高祖所畏惧。范增不离去，项羽就不会灭亡。唉，范增也是人中的豪杰呀！